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Организации и обществено-политически изяви на българските студенти в чужбина (1886–1894)
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Организации и обществено-политически изяви на българските студенти в чужбина (1886–1894)

Author(s): Ivan Tanchev / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1-2/2000

During the period under review in the university centers of Western and Central Europe consolidated and developed the already established Bulgarian student societies, such as “Fraternity” in Geneva, “Fraternity” in Paris, etc. New ones were also established, among which stood out the “Fraternity” society in Lausanne and the “Balkan” society in Vienna. Organizations of a purely mutual benefit character also emerged. A new phenomenon were the socialist organizations set up by Bulgarian students at the West European university centers. The situation in Russia, governed by police methods, was totally different: the organizations created previously discontinued their existence; the attempt to form a student fund also failed. Changes took place also in the socio-political manifestations of the students. Their accent now was put on Bulgarians internal political development - for example the campaign against the amendment to the Constitution. The students on the whole shaped an independent line of conduct. At first, they backed Premier St. Stambolov, believing that he personified the country’s defence against external danger and its independent development. Later, when the regime grew ever more dictatorial and the need for Bulgaria’s democratization came to fore, a negative attitude to the former idol took shape. Specific were the activities of the socialist students - an ideological, doctrinaire orientation was characteristic of them. The most essential change in the organizational and socio-political development of the Bulgarian students during the period under review was the split on an ideological basis. The socialist students did not remain alien to the conspiratorial methods of action and instead of nationalism embraced nihilism and internationalism.

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Гербът на Южна България (1886-1908)
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Гербът на Южна България (1886-1908)

Author(s): Stoyan Antonov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1-2/2000

The author gives a detailed description of the coat of arms of South Bulgaria which is almost unknown in Bulgaria and about which practically nothing is written in the prestigious publications of professional heralds. The absence of popularity of this armorial bearing is due both to the short period of its use and because heraldry does not occupy a serious place in scientific life owing to the five centuries of statelessness and the destruction of the Bulgarian aristocratic families after Bulgaria’s fall under Ottoman slavery. In spite of that, the coat of arms of South Bulgaria is a fact in the Bulgarians, though short, heraldic tradition and it elucidates the historical development of certain coats of arms and the influence of European heraldry on Bulgaria.

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Митрополит Григорий, Доростолски и Червенски (1872–1898). Документален сборник, Русе, 1998. 315 с.
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Митрополит Григорий, Доростолски и Червенски (1872–1898). Документален сборник, Русе, 1998. 315 с.

Author(s): Elena Hadjinikolova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1-2/2000

Book Review

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Българският проект за конституция от 1879 година (Към историята на идеите за политическо управление през 70-те години на XIX в.)
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Българският проект за конституция от 1879 година (Към историята на идеите за политическо управление през 70-те години на XIX в.)

Author(s): Petko St. Petkov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3-4/2000

An analysis is made in this publication of an important historical document: the Bulgarian draft of a Constitution, submitted to the Constituent National Assembly in March 1879 by a 15-member parliamentary commission. The report was a draft of the fundamental law, pragmatic and adequate to the real historical situation and, moreover, the only one worked out exclusively by Bulgarians, representatives of the leading political currents and social groups in the society at that time. Arguments are put forward in support of the thesis that the general characteristics of the document were rather in the sphere of liberal constitutionalism (in compliance with the specific Bulgarian conditions after centuries of alien domination, from where came also certain nuances characteristic of conservatism) than of the true conservatism not typical of Bulgarian political life (and also not inherited from the ideological legacies of the National Revival). An analysis is made of the contents, of the proposals put forward in the report, their similarities with and differences from other programme documents revealing the leading ideas about political government in the 60s and 70s of the 19th c. The discussion of the report in the Constituent Assembly is followed up, as well as its rejection which led to the fanning of political demagogy and the turning of the “party acting out of spite” into a real thought negative factor in development of the just restored Bulgarian State. The Bulgarian Draft of a Constitution is published, as it would have looked according to the report of the 15-member commission.

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Паричната криза „сребърни рубли“ в България
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Паричната криза „сребърни рубли“ в България

Author(s): Ninel Kiosseva / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3-4/2000

The first financial crisis in the monetary history of the Third Bulgarian State is examined in the article. The methodological basis of the research is the quantitative theory of money in its neoliberal variant. The highest indicative value of the agio between gold and silver is justified from the viewpoint of the accepted methodological positions. The crisis changes in the Bulgarian monetary system and money standard are shown. Special attention is paid to the monetary policy of the Bulgarian governments in the period before and during the crisis. The changes in Bulgarian National Bank and the credit terms made during its years are justified by the struggle against the crisis, are examined and their effectiveness is assessed.

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Българи в европейски военноучебни заведения (1878–1912)
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Българи в европейски военноучебни заведения (1878–1912)

Author(s): Ivan Tanchev / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 5-6/2000

The paper examines the use of European military training establishments (academies, schools; for the needs of the Bulgarian army. First of all the author sums up the extant scholarly publications dealing with the stages in the development of the problem. More particular attention is paid to the quantitative aspect. For this purpose an extensive study has been made of the documentary archives and of other sources the results of which are systematized in the article – by countries. The simple arithmetic comparison of the figures shows that Russia’s share in the training and specialization of Bulgarian military personnel came up to almost three-quarters, while the remaining one-quarter went to the West European states: Italy, Austria-Hungary, France, Belgium, etc. This proportion, however, does not reflect accurately enough the Bulgarian choice, the Bulgarian preferences in putting the accents in using foreign military establishments since during the initial stage not Bulgarians but Russian generals decided these accents. The generalization of the data from 1887 on shows the presence of a much more balanced interest of the Bulgarian War Ministry in the Russian military academies and schools on the one hand, and on the other in the West European – Italian, Austrian, French and Belgian.

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Етническите и религиозните малцинства в Българския парламент (1879–1885)
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Етническите и религиозните малцинства в Българския парламент (1879–1885)

Author(s): Zhorzheta Nazarska / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1-2/1999

The article looks into the problem of the participation of the minorities in the elections for the Ordinary and Grand National Assemblies and their work in the period 1879-1885. The archival material and the material from the press and memoirs show that the rights to vote and be elected, guaranteed by the Turnovo Constitution to the minorities, was seldom ensured in practice to them. The causes could be sought in the absence of ethnic quotes in Parliament, in the national character of the State, in the small number, lack of compactness and of education of the minorities, in the biased electoral laws and above all in the active repressive participation of the State in the different stages of the electoral process. For this reason the minorities could not win seats in Parliament corresponding to their real ethnic or religious presence, could not set up their parties nor demonstrate some activity as parliamentarians. On the contrary, their place was in regional or provisional coalitions with the Bulgarian political parties during the election campaigns and as extras in the National Assembly. This role of marionettes was deliberately chosen by the minorities, aware of the impossibility in some other way to influence the activity of the legislative power, and by the Bulgarian politicians who, by politicizing the minorities, tried not so much to protect the ethnic peace in the country than to create conditions for neutralizing, isolating or assimilating the so-called “others”.

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Непубликувани писма на Пьотр Владимирович Алабин
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Непубликувани писма на Пьотр Владимирович Алабин

Author(s): Yordan Tsenov,Teodora Uzunova,Maya Tsenova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1-2/1999

Тhe letters of P.V. Alabin offered here are annotated in detail. Each of them has its accents and is a document of their author’s stand on the respective problem or fact and of his highly developed sense of responsibility for the Liberation of Bulgaria. Here are some of the subject touches upon: a) Committee for tracing Bulgarians sent into exile; b) Prof. Marin Drinov, with his knowledge and experience, should leave for the town of Plovdiv and be under the orders of the Imperial Commissioner; c) reproaching Bulgarians who refused to assume administrative functions in the new State and the attitude of the Serbs to it; d) the fate of the historical heritage of National Revival Bulgaria and raising a monument to V. Levski; e) the problem of the refugees after the decisions of the Congress of Berlin; f) the fate of the National Library that was being created; g) premature departure from Bulgaria; h) the Alabin family in Bulgaria – three sons participants in the war, Vasilii buried at Yambol, and many others… They are all placed under the common denominator: ALABIN’S LOVE FOR BULGARIA.

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Руските либерали и Балканите в началото на XX век
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Руските либерали и Балканите в началото на XX век

Author(s): Edward Wiśzniewski / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3-4/1999

The article considers the problem of the positions of the liberal parties in Russia during the Bosnia crisis in 1908 and the period before the Balkan Wars 1912–1913. By means of varied documentary material revealing the views mostly of the leaders of the Constitutional Democrats and the Union of October 17 on the questions of Russia’s foreign policy in the Balkans and their attitude to the war, is proved the thesis of loyal as a whole attitude of the political parties to the activity and decisions of Russian diplomacy in the period 1908–1912.

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Организации и обществено-политически изяви на българските студенти в чужбина (1878–1885)
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Организации и обществено-политически изяви на българските студенти в чужбина (1878–1885)

Author(s): Ivan Tanchev / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 5-6/1999

The article examines the organizations and socio-political activities of the Bulgarian university students during the first years after the resolution of the Bulgarian State. The following conclusions and generalizations have been drawn on the basis of the abundant source material. The first stable and lasting student organizations, such as the “Bratstvo” Society in Geneva, the “Bratstvo” Society in Paris, the “Shipka” Society in Munich were set up, and there was Bulgarian participation also in multi-national societies. Their organizational form in Western and Central Europe was analogous to the free student organizations there, while the police conditions in Russia imposed the adoption of the “fellow country-men” form of association with the accent on mutual aid. They both operated in compliance with the objective national interests at the time: strengthening and consolidating the Principality of Bulgaria and preparations for national unification. The students paid respect to the giants of the Bulgarian National Revival and expressed recognition to the Russian liberators. Characteristic were the actions aimed at raising the national consciousness of the Bulgarians and the role of the Bulgarian language with a view to resisting foreign denationalization efforts. The summit of patriotism and readiness for self-sacrifice of the students was their return en masse as volunteers during the Serbo-Bulgarian War of 1885. The individual societies in a co-ordinated manner used the European press in support of the just Bulgarian cause. The common ideal of the Bulgarian students then was a united and democratic Bulgaria, and there was no ideological confrontation in the proper sense of this concept.

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Руските планове за независимост на България (1906–1908)
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Руските планове за независимост на България (1906–1908)

Author(s): Elena Dyakonova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 5-6/1999

The article is devoted to the attitude of Russian diplomacy to the declaration of Bulgaria’s independence from the Ottoman Empire. The first attempts at declaring the independence of Bulgaria were made already in the late 19th century, but Prince Ferdinand and his diplomacy began to act more energetically in this direction in 1906. The Russian Foreign Ministry tried to impede these actions which were not co-ordinated with it. In its turn the Cabinet in St.Petersburg worked out its plan for declaring Bulgaria’s independence, linking this act to the abolition of the Treaty of Berlin and with the change of the regime of the Black Sea Straits in its favour. This plan envisaged the holding of a conference with the participation of all the states that had signed the Berlin Treat, the aim of which was to revise this international document and the abolition of certain restrictions, Russia’s striving was to obtain also territorial compensations in favour of Serbia and Montenegro. Bulgaria’s Diplomacy, however, decided to act on its own, as a result of which after the declaration of independence the Sofia Cabinet fell into international isolation. The real threat of a Turkish-Bulgarian war also emerged. The efforts of Russian diplomacy at that moment were directed to the regulation of Bulgarian-Turkish political and financial relations with a view to avoiding a war in the Balkans. Lending considerable financial assistance to the Bulgarian Government, St.Petersburg did away with this threat.

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За началото на българската историческа наука
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За началото на българската историческа наука

Author(s): Nikolay Prodanov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 5-6/1999

The article defines and tries to give an answer to a fundamental question which refers to the evolution of Bulgarian historiography. In the development of historiography there conditional “interruptions” - border zones where it rises into higher hierarchical transformations. One of the most essential transformations in the evolution of Bulgarian historiography was the appearance of the phenomenon we call Bulgarian national historical science. The article supports the thesis that historical science constitutes a complex, relatively differentiated public system. It may be considered as a unity of reproductive, informative, institutional and publicizing subsystems. The first true elements of these subsystems appeared in Bulgaria’s social reality in the late 19th and early 20th c. Precisely that time can be regarded also as the start of Bulgarian historical science. The thesis defended in the article is at variance with the view predominant at present that about the middle of the 19th c. historical science was already a reality in Bulgarian society. Two are the basic arguments in favour of this view. The first is the personal one: it is believed that historians like Vassil Aprilov, Spiridon Palaouzov and Marin Drinov with their writings marked the beginnings of Bulgarian historical science. The specific analysis made in the article proves that V. Aprilov could not be regarded as a research historian. Spiridon Palaouzov and Marin Drinov, notwithstanding their indubitable Bulgarian ethnic consciousness, as learned historians were part of a non-Bulgarian social reality – Russian Slavonic studies. The second argument is the institutional one. The Bulgarian Learned Society, founded in Braila in 1869, is considered as a scientific society which also promoted historical research. In actual fact, in its statute there was such a wish but it was nor realized. Up to the end of the 19th c. the society was predominantly of an enlightening and not of an academic character.

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Политически аспекти на русофилския бунт в Русе от 19 февруари 1887 г.
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Политически аспекти на русофилския бунт в Русе от 19 февруари 1887 г.

Author(s): Ljubomir Zlatev / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1-2/1998

The author has tried to throw light on some moments of the Russophile revolts in ESulgaria in 1887 and on the revolt in the town of Rousse. On the basis of studies made so far and documentary sources a fuller picture of the political situation during the revolt in Rousse and certain political projection in the following years are outlined. The Russophile revolts and the revolt in Rousse marked the beginning of the interference of the army in the struggles between the parties and open violence in Bulgaria’s political reality while Russophobia and Russophilia became lasting tendencies in Bulgaria’s political life.

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Първото българско Велико народно събрание и изборът на княз Александър Батенберг
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Първото българско Велико народно събрание и изборът на княз Александър Батенберг

Author(s): Yordanka Gesheva / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 4-5/1993

The First Grand National Assembly of Bulgaria, convened immediately after the passing of the Constitution (April 1879), was entrusted with an important and responsible task: to select a prince, a prince who had to mark the beginning of the new Bulgarian dynasty at that. It is true that the question of the head of state was not fully decided by the Assembly at that time. Of importance was also the opinion of the Western Great Powers, of Russia and Turkey which had to approve the choice. This selection to a considerable extent depended on the good will that these states would show towards the candidate chosen. The national representatives took a very serious view of their task. Although the majority of the national representatives impulsively wanted a Russian subject or at least a representative indicated by Russia to occupy the throne, they soberly assessed the international realities. Not only the representatives but the entire Bulgarian public associated the question of the national unification with the selection of a suitable head of state. A person with authority and influence was, therefore, sought, a man committed to or at least supported by the reigning European dynasties and by Russia. For this reason the Bulgarian candidates were looked upon with mistrust – perhaps they did not lack qualities but they were isolated from the ruling dynasties at the moment, what they needed were experience, tradition and knowledge, and not in the last place – support. The selection of Prince Alexander I Battenberg conformed to the requirements of the Treaty of Berlin (July 1, 1878) and for the time being satisfied the Great Powers and Turkey. For the Bulgarian people that was a step towards the building of the new Bulgarian statehood.

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Стефан Стамболов и Васил Радославов в борба за политическата власт в периода на регентството (1886–1887 г.)
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Стефан Стамболов и Васил Радославов в борба за политическата власт в периода на регентството (1886–1887 г.)

Author(s): Radoslav Popov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/1991

After the voluntary abdication of Prince Alexander Battenberg the Regency and the cabinet were formed by politicians and public figures whose views were similar to those of the first regent Stefan Stambolov and of the prime minister Vassil Radoslavov. The only exception were Petko Karavelov, member of the Regency, and Ivan Ev. Geshov, the minister of finance, who resigned from their posts at the end of October and the beginning of November 1886. Georgi Zhivkov became the third member of the Regency and Radoslavov was entrusted with the Ministry of Finance. The rallying point in the policy followed by the regents and the government was their firm position as to the pressure of Russian diplomacy and the activity of the Russophile opposition in the Principality. The first differences between the regents, on the one hand, and the ministers Radoslavov and Colonel Danail Nikolaev, on the other, arose at the end of 1886 and in March-June 1887 they gradually turned into a strenuous struggle for political power. A formal pretext for the conflict was the delayed election of a new Prince. The great powers did not look favourably on Battenberg’s re-election and the regents were trying to find a candidate who was ready to accept the election and to come to Bulgaria without the preliminary approval of the countries which had signed the Berlin Treaty. Radoslavov and Colonel Nikolaev considered that the regents followed this policy of deliberately protracting the election of a new Prince to stay longer in power. On its turn the Regency accused the two ministers of striving to declare martial law in the country. The sharp clash between the two opposing groups in the country’s administration ended by the regent’s winning a victory. Gradually they secured for themselves the support of the most important military units and with the active assistance of the ministers Grigor Nachovich and Konstantin Stoilov forced the prime minister Radoslavov to give in his resignation. On June 28, 1887 a cabinet headed by Konstantin Stoilov was formed.

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Етносоциален състав на избирателите в София през 1882 г.
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Етносоциален състав на избирателите в София през 1882 г.

Author(s): Georgi Kotzev,Georgi Tsarev / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 4/1991

The article marks the ethnosocial structure of the male population in Sofia during the first years after the Liberation. It is based on some data, contained in an original list of 2775 electors from Sofia for the years 1882–1883. The main facts in the list are systematized in five tables, giving an information for the continuance of life, the ethnical belonging, place of living, number and kinds professions of the male inhabitants, the number of Sofia’s quarters and their ethnical and professional structure, the location of the polling stations etc.Some comparisons are made between the consisted in the electoral list information and the already known data for the stated years and for some earlier periods of Sofia’s history.

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Първият конгрес на Народно-либералната (стамболовистката) партия
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Първият конгрес на Народно-либералната (стамболовистката) партия

Author(s): Vassilka Tankova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 5/1991

In May 1899, the People’s Liberal (Stambolovist) Party holds its first congress. The congress longs three days and in it take place representatives of the local organizations, the elected in the 10th Common People’s Assembly representatives — Stambolovists and the Central Bureau. The representative forum considers questions of extraordinary importance for the party. The carried out discussions and the taken decisions show typical tendencies in the organizational construction within the party relationships and politics. Because of the unprincipled position of the congress, imposed by the main leadership and confirming the junction with the Liberal Party (practically nullified only two months after), this important fact from the history of the party is quite consciously and purposefully concealed by its members. Because of this, the problem is not enough discussed in the literature, which provokes the writing of the present article.

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За преговорите на Борис Сарафов с австро-унгарската дипломация през 1901 г.
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За преговорите на Борис Сарафов с австро-унгарската дипломация през 1901 г.

Author(s): Radoslav Mishev / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 7/1991

The announcement follows the negotiations of Boris Sarafov and a representative of the Austro-Hungarian diplomacy in Vienna in 1901. Evidence is given for the disappointed from the Russian policy leaders of the national liberation movement in Macedonia and Eastern Thrace, who seek cooperation from other Great powers. B. Sarafov even offers to Austria-Hungary to promote a candidature of a prince who will be for autonomous Macedonia. But the Austro-Hungarian diplomacy promises only personal financial support of Sarafov by the system of secret services, which he naturally accepts. Finally, the Austro-Hungarian diplomacy refuses to get involved with the patronage of the national-liberation movement and continues its conservative strategic line on the Balkans.

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Социалнополитическа характеристика на избирателите и депутатите в V велико народно събрание (1911 г.)
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Социалнополитическа характеристика на избирателите и депутатите в V велико народно събрание (1911 г.)

Author(s): Yordanka Gesheva / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 8/1991

The Fifth Grand national assembly is summoned almost three years after the proclamation of the independence of Bulgaria and its main aim is to legalize this act. The questions scrutinized by the assembly are important and that’s why the proportion of the political forces in the country is of a great significance, who votes and who goes into parliament. From the one side the sociological examination of the voters and the deputies in the 5th Grand national assembly gives possibility to show the political activity of the population in the given period, the influence of each party and its abilities and energy to organize and lead the pre-election campaign. From the other side, it is clearly settled who represents the people in the solution of such a question as the change of the main statute and law of the country. And as the majority of the assembly is from the ruling block, the taken decisions cover the main concepts of the two parties sharing the power (the People’s party and the Progressive-Liberal party). The opposition carries heavy discussions for the change of the constitution, but being minority, it cannot impose any of its concepts and does not reach success in the debates and in the voting. However the number of the votes given for the opposition is so big that if the electoral system was more precise (for example a proportional one), they could have much more representatives in the parliament and the results form the debates could have been different.

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Дружинките „България за себе си“ (1886–1887)
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Дружинките „България за себе си“ (1886–1887)

Author(s): Radoslav Popov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 11/1991

The companies “Bulgaria for itself” are created by the ruling circles to secure an effective support of the established after the victory of the contra coup d’état in August 1886 political regime in the Principality of Bulgaria. Together with the army and the police, the companies are to realize the material support of the regime and that’s why their members are armed. The network of the companies covers the whole country, and membership is not limited. Their members are the representatives of different political movements united because of the anti-Russian politics of the regency and the government. They are ruled by the Central Committee, practically representing the company from the capital. The relations of the local committees with the members of the regency or of the government are closer than with the Central Committee and this illustrates best of all their place. The real usage of the companies is expressed in two directions: active support to the ruling organs and against the opposition; and respect and fear of the population.

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