
Svođenje računa – tranziciona pravda u istorijskoj perspektivi
This book offers an analysis of transitional justice - retribution and reparation after a change of political regime - from Athens in the fifth century BC to the present
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This book offers an analysis of transitional justice - retribution and reparation after a change of political regime - from Athens in the fifth century BC to the present
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Articles collected in this volume, written mostly in the past five years, attempt to develop themes already articulated in the Les Frontières de la démocratie. The book deals with historical and political borders, as places where citoyenneté and la civilité are being challenged, as loose or firm battle lines where democracy could be tamed or gain new inspiration. It deals with ambiguity of the term »community«, as community of peoples, community of citizens, national community striving to become trans-national on various levels where it is being constructed and sometimes de-constructed. (From Preface)
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Hannah Arendt was one of the foremost political thinkers of the twentieth century. This collection examines the themes of her multi-faceted work, from her theory of totalitarianism, revolution as a ‘new beginning’, conception of freedom, responsibility, guilty, and her controversial idea of the ‘banality of evil’. Each chapter examines the political, philosophical, and historical concerns which shaped Arendt’s thought, and which promoted her to become one of the most unapologetic champions of the modern political life in the Western traditions.
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Hana Arent je želela da shvati šta ljudi čine i kako to što čine utiče na svet oko njih, da li on time postaje bolji ili gori. Svet pri tom nije zemlja ili priroda, nego je to čovekov svet, tvorevina koja nastaje među muškarcima i ženama, tvorevina na koju neprekidno utiče sve ono što ljudi čine kako bi prosperirali i opstali, ali na koju utiče i način na koji ljudi razmišljaju dok pokušavaju da izađu na kraj sa svojim postojanjem.
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8. i 9. decembra 2004. godine, tačno dva meseca nakon smrti francuskog filozofa Žaka Deride |Jacques Derrida|, Institut za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju i Narodna biblioteka Srbije, organizovali su kolokvijum posvećen radu i teorijskim uticajima jednog od najznačajnijih mislilaca prošloga stoleća. Podelivši tematski u četiri celine (književnost, umetnost, filozofija i politika) izlaganja u kojima su se čule različite recepcije, čitanja, tumačenja, pozivanja i opozivanja dela Žaka Deride, namera organizatora bila je da artikuliše tek osnovne registre filozofije koju je negovao, predavao i pisao. Namera je bila, isto tako, da se ovom prilkom, zajedno, progovori o prihvatanju Deridine filozofije i o njenom uticaju na ovim prostorima.
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Starting from the nineties, almost every Derrida’s lecture deals with constants as “Philosophy as an Institution”; “Institution of the Philosophy”; “Philosophical Institutions” and then, on August 23 2002 at Cerisy, he starts to treat the “Philosophical model of a contra-institution” or “The Model of philosophy as a contra-institution”. The aim of this paper is to present and determine the institution of philosophy in the context of dead of a philosopher.
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In the ancient Greek tradition democracy, as the rule of the people, in general, did not come together with the rule of law. Plato differentiated democracy according to law (demokratia meta nomon) from democracy without law (demokratia aneu nomon) (Plato, 1961: 302c-303b). Following his idea, Aristotle confronted constitutional republic (politeia) with the middle class in power vs. democracy as the rule of the poor people, without law (Aristotle, 1992: 1279ab). Contrary to the ancient age the modern liberal democracy is generally based on the rule of law. What all agree with, however, is that the modern free democratic society must be marked by the rule of law. There must be a government of laws and not of men and women. In German tradition the rule of law as Rechtstaat means that rulers and their agents are subject to the law as much as anyone else. The state and its agents cannot do as they like; behave in an arbitrary, self-willed fashion: they must obey the law.
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This paper discusses the epistemic value of public deliberation in a democratic decision-making process. I first discuss David Estlund’s standard account of epistemic democracy – in order to be legitimate, a decision must be a result of both fair and epistemically reliable procedure, i.e., of procedure that in most cases leads us to (procedure-independent) correct outcomes. This approach is characterized by the idea that democratic deliberation only has instrumental epistemic value, i.e., serves as a good means to achieve desired ends – a high correctness probability of the outcomes. I defend this approach from three objections put forward by Fabienne Peter, who claims that Estlund’s position is not a practicable conception of democratic legitimacy, that it makes unnecessary demands and that it is normatively misleading. Finally, I argue against pure epistemic proceduralism, an alternative approach that tends to reject consequentialist epistemology in favor of proceduralist epistemology. By doing so, it has lost a way to evaluate the epistemic value of (deliberative) democratic procedures, and is thus vulnerable to the problem of various (reasonable) people holding different epistemic practices and disagreeing on which practice should be the one that is epistemically valuable and that produces legitimate decisions.
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U organizaciji Katedre za filozofiju i sociologiju Filozofskog fakulteta Univerziteta u Zenici i Centra za društvena i interreligijska istraživanja Univerziteta u Zenici, u Zenici je 22. decembra 2016. godine održan okrugli sto pod nazivom Aristotelovanje u povodu 2400 godina od rođenja starogrčkog filozofa Aristotela. Direktan povod za ovaj skup je proglašenje 2016. godinom Aristotela od strane UNESCO-a. O Stagiraninu su tako govorili poznavaoci njegove filozofije iz Bosne i Hercegovine i to: prof. dr. sc. Željko Škuljević (Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Zenici), prof. dr. sc. Miodrag Živanović (Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Banjoj Luci), prof. dr. sc. Damir Marić (Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu), prof. dr. sc. SpahijaKozlić (Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Zenici), doc. dr. sc. Bernard Harbaš (Ekonomski fakultet Univerziteta u Zenici), prof. dr. sc. Nebojša Vasić (Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Zenici) i zenički književnik Aras Borić. Kako svjedoči Diogen Laertije, Aristotel (stgr. Ἀριστοτέλης, Aristotelēs; Stagira u Trakiji, 384. p. n. e. – Halkida, 322. p. n. e.) je rođen od oca Nikomaha i majke Faestide. Još dok je Platon bio živ, Aristotel je napustio učiteljevu Akademiju. Kasnije, kada se vratio, vidio je da je ona u rukama drugog učitelja pa je osnovao vlastitu školu u Likeju (Liceju), na jednom šetalištu gdje je običavao šetati s učenicima i tako im nekada držati predavanja i rasprave, odakle je ona dobila naziv Peripatetička škola (stgr. περιπατητικός, peripatetikos), dok je njegova filozofija prozvana peripatetičkom. Neki ipak smatraju da je naziv potekao od šetnji s Aleksandrom Makedonskim s kojim je razgovarao o filozofiji i drugim temama. Boravio je u Makedoniji na poziv Filipa Makedonskog kako bi poučavao njegovog petnaestogodišnjeg sina Aleksandra, a potom je stigao u Atinu i upravljao svojom školom nekih trinaest godina. U Aleksandru Makedonskom Aristotel je imao dostojnijeg učenika i vaspitanika nego što je Platonov Dionizije. Nakon toga se povukao u Halkidu i tamo umro od bolesti u dobi od šezdeset i tri godine. Prema pisanju Diogena Laertija za svog života je napisao ukupno 445.270 redova teksta.
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When he concludes that the universality of legal norms sometimes excludes certain non-recurring acts, Aristotle often does not perceive motives and, as a rule, ignores the whole social behaviour of the individual. Furthermore, in his ethical-political-legal elaborations (with its foundation/ assumption that all research and all activities tends to realization of something positive and desirable) Aristotle comes up with the concept of justice as corrections of formal laws and norms enshrined. This “curtailment” (Hegel) of positive provisions (Aristotle’s original invention) is essentially the statement that the standards (as well as the state itself) are based on the agreement (therefore necessity to obtain the moral consent of individuals). Aristotle argues that depravation of the human nature (not the alienation of laws) should always be immanent basic demand of man - to be happy. For this reason, the term epieikeia ( Ἐπιείκεια) should be hermeneutical backbone of modern axiological interpretation of the law, bearing in mind that such views suggest imply legal standard correlated with moral which is (nowadays) not the case.
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Knjiga Filozofija prava rezultat je, s jedne strane, mog višegodišnjeg filozofskog istraživanja i promišljanja fenomenâ koje pokriva ova disciplina praktičke filozofije, te, s druge, predavanja istoimenog predmeta i interaktivnog rada sa studentima završnih godina dodiplomskog studija Pravnog fakulteta Univerziteta u Zenici. Naravno, upućena je najviše njima – studentima Pravnog fakulteta Univerziteta u Zenici, kao i svim drugim studentima koji slušaju ovaj ili sličan predmet na pravnim fakultetima u Bosni i Hercegovini i široj regiji, te onim čitaocima koje zanima filozofska refleksija prava. U svakom slučaju, tokom pisanja ove knjige nastojao sam stil i metodologiju izlaganja tako prilagoditi kako bi ona uistinu bila udžbenik iz filozofije prava koji će pomoći studentima u savladavanju gradiva predviđenog nastavnim planom i programom. Takva orijentacija, bez obzira na brojne teškoće, podrazumijevala je zauzimanje jedne, uvjetno govoreći, nezavisne pozicije spram vlastitih vrijednosnih i svakih drugih stavova u i oko filozofije, posebice filozofije i aksiologije prava.
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The paper looks at the problem of national and human security in many parts of Africa today, seen in the inability of most governments to guarantee the adequate protection, peace and well-being of the citizens due in part to foreign dominating ideas. Cabral in his cultural and political thought offered philosophical insights and applied culture to the analysis of security for modern Africa. His theory of security is build upon the struggle for liberation from the colonial ordinance and his philosophy of identity is based on a combination of theory and praxis in the pursuit of reality. This requires the unearthing of the deep cultural roots and causes of things. This harmonization of interests is not just between men and men, but also between men and nature. The question is; what principles and values can best facilitate the crucial sense of security in most African societies?
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The text examines the status of the truth in the legal norms, trying to answer the questions of whether they can be a subject to a truth assessment and, if such assessment is possible, how a truth value can be attributed to legal norms. To achieve this goal, first of all, the text discusses some basic linguistic conceptions concerning the nature and truth of legal norms and subsequently, a complex approach is being proposed for attributing truth-value to legal norms. On the one hand, the latter’s being studied by the methods of deontic logic and theory of possible worlds, and on the other hand, their relation to truth is being explained by semantic anti-realism.
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In the article, I try to refute an old and widespread superstition according to which the new political philosophy created by Niccolo Machiavelli breaks with classical political philosophy by taking a novel position toward the political; that is, that classics were idle “idealists” while Machiavelli is a coldblooded “realist”. To do that, I compare the most explicit part of The Prince (chapters XIV-XIX) with the end of the fifth book of Aristotle’s Politics and attempt to show that in the most pivotal chapters of his most famous work, the Florentine, in fact, often borrows Aristotle’s advice on how to preserve a tyrannical rule.
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This article studies the specific designation of morals under the conditions of a modern society. Due to the circumstances that morals are able to overcome differences between the social regulatory systems and to unite the perceptions of a regulatory framework, they have become a major contemporary metalegal regulator. Being a significant social regulator, morals also play a mediation role between law and other social regulatory systems. In this role of theirs, they make a substantial factor having an influence on building and changing legal prescriptions. Morals are also studied as a variable in the conditions of a dynamically developing society and changing conditions of living. Some models of behaviours, which were considered to be against moral only several decades ago, are nowadays regarded as completely normal.
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Knjiga Procesuiranje ratnih zločina - jamstvo procesa suočavanja s prošlošću nastala je s namjerom sumiranja osnovnih tokova u sferi pravne prakse koja se odnosi na procesuiranje ratnih zločina počinjenih na području bivše Jugoslavije u ratnim sukobima 90-ih. Brojnost i težina koja se očitovala analizom počinjenih ratnih zločina ukazuje na njihovu sustavnost i upućuje na zaključak da su počinjeni ratni zločini vrlo često imali podršku viših instanci, tzv. političkih elita. S obzirom na izgled današnje geopolitičke karte regije, neizbježno nam se nameće zaključak da je krajnji ratni cilj bio stvaranje etnički homogenih političkih zajednica i da je provođenje etničkog čišćenja, kao ratne strategije, bilo za to prikladna metoda. Nijekanje te očite činjenice, unatoč svim saznanjima koja danas imamo o zločinima koji su se u ratu 90-ih dogodili, počevši od zatvaranja u logore i ubojstava pa do deložacija i raznih drugih oblika kršenja ljudskih prava, nanosi golemu štetu novonastalim zajednicama. Breme onoga što se događalo 90-ih, osobito odbijanje suočavanja s tim, plodno je tlo za perpetuiranje potisnutih frustracija za koje se ne može sa sigurnošću predvidjeti koji smjer u određenom trenutku mogu uzeti, a ‘’put k održivom miru’’ i dalje ostaje u području imaginacije. Proces suočavanja s prošlošću nužno mora teći na više razina istodobno. Temelj njegove provedbe stvaranje je zakonskih preduvjeta za procesuiranje zločina koji su se dogodili i osiguranje standardizirane primjene ustanovljenih zakona. Ne samo da su takvi postupci činjenično teški i pravno kompleksni nego su i izrazito politički osjetljivi, no jedino je na taj način moguće individualizirati kaznenu odgovornost, dati temeljni doprinos otkrivanju istine o ratnim događajima i različitim oblicima kršenja ljudskih prava te postići pravdu za žrtve. Nasuprot tome, pravosuđa u zemljama sljednicama SFRJ nisu se pokazala doraslima situaciji koja je nastupila nakon ratnih sukoba. Njihove su reakcije bile spore i neadekvatne, a procesuiranje ratnih zločina vrlo se često onemogućavalo i opstruiralo zahvaljujući političkim pritiscima pa mnogi počinitelji ratnih zločina i danas mirno hodaju ulicama diljem zemlje, pritom katkad susrećući svoje žrtve. Iako se u javnosti počela nazirati ideja da čin ratnog zločina zahtijeva nedvojbenu moralnu osudu, ta misao u društvu još nije zaživjela. Rasap društvenih vrijednosti koji je nastupio, uz ostale elemente i uzroke koje u sebi nosi, uključuje i problematiku odnosa prema nasljeđu iz 90-ih. Još uvijek ostaje pitanje zašto je tako teško prepoznati i razumjeti da je zločin zločin, a žrtva žrtva. Ovom smo knjigom nastojali dati svoj doprinos procesu suočavanja s prošlošću i razrješenju društvene napetosti koju odbijanje suočavanja s počinjenim greškama i vlastitom odgovornošću nosi te predočiti čitateljstvu i javnosti što se sve od osamostaljenja Hrvatske činilo kako bismo živjeli u zemlji u kojoj postoji vladavina prava i u kojoj su svi državljani pred zakonom jednaki.
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Neki je dan u moju sobu došao jedan student. Osamnaest, devetnaest godina. Mlad, brada mu raste neravnomjerno, nosi jeftinu majicu i stare cipele. Nije se ni rodio kada je bio rat. Naivno i jednostavno me upitao: ‘’Zašto smo uvjereni da kazne popravljaju ljude?’’ Rekao je da je protiv osvete i smrtne kazne - ne zvučeći pritom osobito uvjerljivo - i upitao: ‘’Zar je zatvor jedini izbor i prava kazna jer koliko se osuđenih uistinu kaje zbog onoga što su učinili?’’ Sa zgražanjem je spomenuo one koji dok odslužuju kaznu brišu prašinu s knjiga ili gule krumpire, čekajući protek vremena. Osuđeni su, ali je društvena sramota izostala. Štoviše, neki od njih i dalje su respektirani članovi zajednice, a ne bi se moglo reći ni da im je materijalni status osobito poljuljan. Smisao je kazne, govorim mu malo svisoka, da bude generalna prevencija; kazna je poruka svima da će stroga pravna norma (ius cogens) biti primijenjena na svakog tko krši zakon. Taj strah od kazne trebao bi spriječiti ljude da krše zakon jer će, ako ga prekrše, trpjeti bol i štetu oduzimanjem slobode ili nekog dobra. Upravo kroz bol i štetu koju trpi izdržavajući kaznu koja mu je presuđena, prekršitelj ima mogućnost shvatiti da je učinio nešto loše te da se treba popraviti, vratiti u društvo i poštovati njegove norme.
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The concept of justice has been a constant issue since its conception. The Greeks also attempted to define justice. They have observed justice as goodness in deeds and so a virtue. In the Greek mind, fairness was an attribute of the spirit or soul, while injustice was a sin. Both Plato and Aristotle defined justice as kindness as well as a desire to follow the law. It alluded to the connection between rights and duties. In human interactions, justice was the pinnacle of excellence and the attitude that animates folks in the right fulfillment of their responsibilities. The development of harmony and peace in thinking and conduct was pre-eminently social. In the same way, Aristotle's and Plato's fairness are complementary; both philosophers seek to discover a concept of ability by which unity, harmony, virtue, and pleasure may be produced in a community. Despite this shared agreement, they are fundamentally different in many ways. In this paper, an attempt has been made by the author to discuss the similarities and dissimilarities in theories of justice propounded by Plato and Aristotle.
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The author analyzes one aspect of the relationship between law and morality in Herbert Hart’s theory – the one that deals with the judge's reasoning in hard cases, when the issue of legal qualification comes to the fore. In such cases, the dialectical nature of legal reasoning is visible, since the judge comes to a rational decision by valid argumentation rather than by simple deduction. Hart pointed out that in hard cases, the judges have in mind the concept of what law should be, but that is not a sign that there is a necessary connection between law and morality, since the word “should” indicates only that there are some criteria of criticism, which are not necessarily moral criteria. The author will try to analyze his position and determine whetherHart really separated law from morality, what type of connection betweenthe nature of law and moral exists, and what, in Hart's opinion, awareness ofwhat law should be actually implies.
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Although the interpretation of legal rules has a direct impact on the content of judicial decisions, law of interpretation has not yet been the subject of a monographic study in Polish legal theory. The author describes the status of interpretative directives in various legal cultures (e.g. Poland, Spain, Australia, USA, Great Britain, Ireland and Latin America) and analyses the problems caused by enacting interpretative directives. She puts forward proposals for the creation of the law of interpretation and analyses the nature of interpretative directives. An important advantage of the work is the reference to a wide range of literature and jurisprudence from many jurisdictions.
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